NIPPON FALCONS LEAGUE

Our blog's intention is to request the US government to grant us a chance to defend our mother country Japan at the American court of law regarding the resolution "Comfort Women" passed July 30, 07.

マケインに投票する理由・その2

McCain for President, Part II

By Charles Krauthammer
Friday, October 31, 2008

Last week I made the open-and-shut case for John McCain: In a dangerous world entering an era of uncontrolled nuclear proliferation, the choice between the most prepared foreign policy candidate in memory vs. a novice with zero experience and the wobbliest one-world instincts is not a close call.

But it's all about economics and kitchen-table issues, we are told. Okay. Start with economics.

Neither candidate has particularly deep economic knowledge or finely honed economic instincts. Neither has any clear idea exactly what to do in the current financial meltdown. Hell, neither does anyone else, including the best economic minds in the world, from Henry Paulson to the head of the European Central Bank. Yet they have muddled through with some success.

Both McCain and Barack Obama have assembled fine economic teams that may differ on the details of their plans but have reasonable approaches to managing the crisis. So forget the hype. Neither candidate has an advantage on this issue.

On other domestic issues, McCain is just the kind of moderate conservative that the Washington/media establishment once loved -- the champion of myriad conservative heresies that made him a burr in the side of congressional Republicans and George W. Bush. But now that he is standing in the way of an audacity-of-hope Democratic restoration, erstwhile friends recoil from McCain on the pretense that he has suddenly become right wing.

Self-serving rubbish. McCain is who he always was. Generally speaking, he sees government as a Rooseveltian counterweight (Teddy with a touch of Franklin) to the various malefactors of wealth and power. He wants government to tackle large looming liabilities such as Social Security and Medicare. He wants to free up health insurance by beginning to sever its debilitating connection to employment -- a ruinous accident of history (arising from World War II wage and price controls) that increases the terror of job loss, inhibits labor mobility and saddles American industry with costs that are driving it (see: Detroit) into insolvency. And he supports lower corporate and marginal tax rates to encourage entrepreneurship and job creation.

An eclectic, moderate, generally centrist agenda in a guy almost congenitally given to bipartisanship.

Obama, on the other hand, talks less and less about bipartisanship, his calling card during his earlier messianic stage. He does not need to. If he wins, he will have large Democratic majorities in both houses. And unlike Clinton in 1992, Obama is no centrist.

What will you get?

(1) Card check, meaning the abolition of the secret ballot in the certification of unions in the workplace. Large men will come to your house at night and ask you to sign a card supporting a union. You will sign.

(2) The so-called Fairness Doctrine -- a project of Nancy Pelosi and leading Democratic senators -- a Hugo Chávez-style travesty designed to abolish conservative talk radio.

(3) Judges who go beyond even the constitutional creativity we expect from Democratic appointees. Judges chosen according to Obama's publicly declared criterion: "empathy" for the "poor or African American or gay or disabled or old" -- in a legal system historically predicated on the idea of justice entirely blind to one's station in life.

(4) An unprecedented expansion of government power. Yes, I know. It has already happened. A conservative government has already partially nationalized the mortgage industry, the insurance industry and nine of the largest U.S. banks.

This is all generally swallowed because everyone understands that the current crisis demands extraordinary measures. The difference is that conservatives are instinctively inclined to make such measures temporary. Whereas an Obama-Pelosi-Reid-Barney Frank administration will find irresistible the temptation to use the tools inherited -- $700 billion of largely uncontrolled spending -- as a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity to radically remake the American economy and social compact.

This is not socialism. This is not the end of the world. It would, however, be a decidedly leftward move on the order of Lyndon Johnson's Great Society. The alternative is a McCain administration with a moderate conservative presiding over a divided government and generally inclined to resist a European social-democratic model of economic and social regulation featuring, for example, wealth-redistributing growth-killing marginal tax rates.

The national security choice in this election is no contest. The domestic policy choice is more equivocal because it is ideological. McCain is the quintessential center-right candidate. Yet the quintessential center-right country is poised to reject him. The hunger for anti-Republican catharsis and the blinding promise of Obamian hope are simply too strong. The reckoning comes in the morning.

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マケインに投票する理由


By Charles Krauthammer
Friday, October 24, 2008

Contrarian that I am, I'm voting for John McCain. I'm not talking about bucking the polls or the media consensus that it's over before it's over. I'm talking about bucking the rush of wet-fingered conservatives leaping to Barack Obama before they're left out in the cold without a single state dinner for the next four years.

I stand athwart the rush of conservative ship-jumpers of every stripe -- neo (Ken Adelman), moderate (Colin Powell), genetic/ironic (Christopher Buckley) and socialist/atheist (Christopher Hitchens) -- yelling "Stop!" I shall have no part of this motley crew. I will go down with the McCain ship. I'd rather lose an election than lose my bearings.

First, I'll have no truck with the phony case ginned up to rationalize voting for the most liberal and inexperienced presidential nominee in living memory. The "erratic" temperament issue, for example. As if McCain's risky and unsuccessful but in no way irrational attempt to tactically maneuver his way through the economic tsunami that came crashing down a month ago renders unfit for office a man who demonstrated the most admirable equanimity and courage in the face of unimaginable pressures as a prisoner of war, and who later steadily navigated innumerable challenges and setbacks, not the least of which was the collapse of his campaign just a year ago.

McCain the "erratic" is a cheap Obama talking point. The 40-year record testifies to McCain the stalwart.

Nor will I countenance the "dirty campaign" pretense. The double standard here is stunning. Obama ran a scurrilous Spanish-language ad falsely associating McCain with anti-Hispanic slurs. Another ad falsely claimed that McCain supports "cutting Social Security benefits in half." And for months Democrats insisted that McCain sought 100 years of war in Iraq.

McCain's critics are offended that he raised the issue of William Ayers. What's astonishing is that Obama was himself not offended by William Ayers.

Moreover, the most remarkable of all tactical choices of this election season is the attack that never was. Out of extreme (and unnecessary) conscientiousness, McCain refused to raise the legitimate issue of Obama's most egregious association -- with the race-baiting Rev. Jeremiah Wright. Dirty campaigning, indeed.

The case for McCain is straightforward. The financial crisis has made us forget, or just blindly deny, how dangerous the world out there is. We have a generations-long struggle with Islamic jihadism. An apocalyptic soon-to-be-nuclear Iran. A nuclear-armed Pakistan in danger of fragmentation. A rising Russia pushing the limits of revanchism. Plus the sure-to-come Falklands-like surprise popping out of nowhere.

Who do you want answering that phone at 3 a.m.? A man who's been cramming on these issues for the past year, who's never had to make an executive decision affecting so much as a city, let alone the world? A foreign policy novice instinctively inclined to the flabbiest, most vaporous multilateralism (e.g., the Berlin Wall came down because of "a world that stands as one"), and who refers to the most deliberate act of war since Pearl Harbor as "the tragedy of 9/11," a term more appropriate for a bus accident?

Or do you want a man who is the most prepared, most knowledgeable, most serious foreign policy thinker in the United States Senate? A man who not only has the best instincts but has the honor and the courage to, yes, put country first, as when he carried the lonely fight for the surge that turned Iraq from catastrophic defeat into achievable strategic victory?

There's just no comparison. Obama's own running mate warned this week that Obama's youth and inexperience will invite a crisis -- indeed a crisis "generated" precisely to test him. Can you be serious about national security and vote on Nov. 4 to invite that test?

And how will he pass it? Well, how has he fared on the only two significant foreign policy tests he has faced since he's been in the Senate? The first was the surge. Obama failed spectacularly. He not only opposed it. He tried to denigrate it, stop it and, finally, deny its success.

The second test was Georgia, to which Obama responded instinctively with evenhanded moral equivalence, urging restraint on both sides. McCain did not have to consult his advisers to instantly identify the aggressor.

Today's economic crisis, like every other in our history, will in time pass. But the barbarians will still be at the gates. Whom do you want on the parapet? I'm for the guy who can tell the lion from the lamb.

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Brother, Can You Spare a Dime

“兄弟よ、10セント、くれないか?”
世界恐慌時代の1931年に、流行した歌である。VENOM同志が和訳された。有難う。伊勢

“兄弟よ、10セント、くれないか?”  

作詞 イップ・ハーバーグ 作曲 ジェイ・ゴーニィ(1931年)

よく言われたもんだ 俺は夢を抱いてるって だからみんなと同じようにしたんだ
耕す土地のあるときや 持ち歩く銃があるときは 俺もちゃんとした仕事についてたさ
よく言われたもんだ 俺は夢を抱いてるって 平穏で幸せな未来に向ってね
なのにどうして今は パンをもらうため 行列に並んでなきゃ いけないんだ?

俺は鉄道工事で 働いて 列車が走れるように してやった 期限通りにね
俺は鉄道工事で 働いて そして工事は 終わっちまった
兄弟、 10セント くれないか?

俺は摩天楼を 作ってた 天まで届くやつを レンガ、 リベット、セメントで
俺は摩天楼を 作ってた そして工事は 終わっちまった
兄弟、 10セント くれないか?

カーキ色の 作業服 着ていたときは そりゃ バリッとしてた
ヤンキードゥードル 歌いながら
50万の 作業靴はいた 足取りが 地獄へとぼとぼ 降りてった
俺もその後 ついてった 太鼓叩きながら 

なあ 思い出さないか? 俺はアルって呼ばれてた
今までずっと アルだったんだ
何で 思い出さないんだ? 俺たち友達だったじゃないか
なあ 10セント くれないか?

カーキ色の 作業服 着ていたときは そりゃ バリッとしてた
ヤンキードゥードル 歌いながら
50万の 作業靴はいた 足取りが 地獄へとぼとぼ 降りてった
俺もその後 ついてった 太鼓叩きながら 

なあ 思い出さないか? 俺はアルって呼ばれてた
今までずっと アルだったんだ
なあ 思い出さないか? 俺たち友達だったじゃないか
なあ 10セント くれないか?


"Brother, Can You Spare a Dime,"
lyrics by Yip Harburg, music by Jay Gorney (1931)

They used to tell me I was building a dream, and so I followed the mob,
When there was earth to plow, or guns to bear, I was always there right on the job.
They used to tell me I was building a dream, with peace and glory ahead,
Why should I be standing in line, just waiting for bread?

Once I built a railroad, I made it run, made it race against time.
Once I built a railroad; now it's done. Brother, can you spare a dime?
Once I built a tower, up to the sun, brick, and rivet, and lime;
Once I built a tower, now it's done. Brother, can you spare a dime?

Once in khaki suits, gee we looked swell,
Full of that Yankee Doodly Dum,
Half a million boots went slogging through Hell,
And I was the kid with the drum!

Say, don't you remember, they called me Al; it was Al all the time.
Why don't you remember, I'm your pal? Buddy, can you spare a dime?

Once in khaki suits, gee we looked swell,
Full of that Yankee Doodly Dum,
Half a million boots went slogging through Hell,
And I was the kid with the drum!

Say, don't you remember, they called me Al; it was Al all the time.
Say, don't you remember, I'm your pal? Buddy, can you spare a dime?
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The Military Won't Follow Powell

VENOM同志が翻訳された。英文の下に続きます。有難う。伊勢

The Military Won't Follow Powell
posted at 10/20/2008 8:50 AM EDT
*Moderator*

William_M_Arkin
First post: 6/12/2008
Last post: 10/20/2008

Total posts: 38 The U.S. military is probably one of the few sectors of society where Obama support flags, and as president the national security neophyte will undoubtedly go through a Clinton-like hazing, particularly if he has the audacity to suggest that the military needs to tighten its belt for the sake of the economy.

Colin Powell’s endorsement certainly must sting for McCain and the administration, but will it help with the military? I say not one bit. The political general has already lost his bond with today’s military, and his very partisan endorsement runs against a pretension on the part of many in uniform that they are above politics. If would be nice if they were, but they’re not. The Powell endorsement in fact just muddies these waters.

Peter: I think Powell has more of a bond with the military establishment than Bill suggests, but I generally agree that his endorsement of Obama is not a game changer. It gives the campaign one more talking point - why should you worry about Obama as commander-in-chief when General Powell has endorsed him? -- but I don't think it is likely to change many people's minds one way or the other. I think it helps a bit during an Obama transition by reinforcing the imagery of "steady hands on the tiller." But those positives will have to be weighed against the following likely negative: Powell is now a go-to guy for quotes to second-guess Obama decisions. The most obvious one will be anything President Obama does on the "don't ask, don't tell" policy so closely associated with General Powell's tenure as Chairman of the JCS. But on any national security issue, Powell's views are fair game. I expect that Powell will be a very loyal soldier - he has already proven how loyal he can be - but he also has his own independent views on what should be done. Just as it is a page 1 story when Powell endorses Obama, it is a page 1 story if-or-when Powell disagrees with an Obama national security decision.

軍はパウエルに従わない  

2008年10月20日 08:50am(東部標準時)
ウィリアム・M・アーキン (初回投稿2008年6月12日 最新投稿2008年10月20日 投稿数計38件)

アメリカの軍隊はおそらく、オバマを支持を食い止める、数少ない社会の一つだろう。国家安全保障に関する新参者の大統領として彼は、間違いなくクリントンのような軍隊イジメに走るだろう。特に彼が経済上の理由から、軍にもっとベルトをきつく締めろ、と命じるほど面の皮が厚ければ、なおさらだ。

コリン・パウエルのオバマ支持表明は、確かにマケインと行政府をチクリと刺したはずだ。しかしそれが軍に取って助けになるのか?私は違うと断言する。この政治的な将軍は既に、今日の軍部内における信頼を使い果たしている。そして彼のパルチザン的な支持表明は、政治より上位に位置すると自負する、制服組の大多数を刺激するものだ。もし彼らが本当に政治より上位に位置するのなら結構なことだが、実際はそうではない。事実、パウエルの支持表明は、こうした水面に落ちた泥のようなものだ。

ピーターのコメント 

私は、軍の上層部がパウエルに持つ信頼は、ビルが言うよりも大きいと思う。しかし一般的に言って、彼のオバマに対する支持表明は、ゲームを変えるほどじゃないという見方に、私も賛成だ。あの支持表明は、選挙キャンペーンに、単なる話題以上のものをもたらした。つまり、「パウエル将軍が支持するのなら、オバマが最高司令官になっても、何を心配することがある?」というやつだ。しかし私は、そのことで多くの人たちが、考えを一斉に変えるとは思わない。私はそのことで、オバマのイメージを一時的に「しっかりした舵取り」へと変えるのに多少役立つだろうと思う。

だけどそうしたプラスイメージは、後からマイナスイメージによって相殺されてしまうことがよくある。パウエルは今や、オバマの考えが知りたかったらパウエルの所へ行け、と言われる立場になった。それが一番よく現れているのは、オバマ大統領が「何も聞くな、何も言うな」という方針でやることはみんな、パウエル将軍が統合参謀会議議長として、綿密なお膳立てをしているってことだ。 しかし国家安全保障上のことでは、パウエルの視点は公正だ。私はパウエルが、非常に忠実な兵士になると思う。彼は、それを、何度も証明している。 しかし彼は、何をなすべきかについて、自分自身の独自な視点も持っている。

パウエルがオバマ支持を表明したのは、第1ページ目の物語に過ぎない。 もしパウエルが安全保障に関するオバマの決定に不賛成なときは、その第1ページ目だけでおしまいになるんだ。 
(以上) VENOM 10・20・08



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バラック・オバマの自伝。正直だが

obama book
バラック・オバマの自伝、「わが父を夢に描いて」は、人間形成期の自分の胸中を正直に書いている。正直であることは、どの人間にとっても重要な条件である。だが、何かを書いて後世に遺すということの重さを考えざるを得ない。その理由は、以下の部分である。伊勢平次郎

From Dreams of My Father: 'I ceased to advertise my mother's race at the age of 12 or 13, when I began to suspect that by doing so I was ingratiating myself to whites.'

From Dreams of My Father: 'I found a solace in nursing a pervasive sense of grievance and animosity against my mother's race.'

From Dreams of My Father: 'There was something about him that made me wary, a little too sure of himself, maybe. And white.'

From Dreams of My Father: 'It remained necessary to prove which side you were on, to show your loyalty to the black masses, to strike out and name names.'

From Dreams of My Father: 'I never emulate white men and brown men whose fates didn't speak to my own. It was into my father's image, the black man, son of Africa, that I'd packed all the attributes I sought in myself, the attributes of Martin and Malcolm, DuBois and Mandela.'

From Audacity of Hope:'I will stand with the Muslims should the political winds shift in an ugly direction.'

(解説)保守派の友人が抜粋して転送してくれたのである。正直であろうとすれば、こうなるであろう。表現は自由なのだ。だから、反対もしない。さらに、「ものを書くときは、MINDではなく、HEARTで書くべきだ」とも思うからである。わが輩も、「ことばが汚い」と批判されることが多々ある。大いに注意すべきことだ。だが、「信念を述べるときは、躊躇すべきではない」と思っている。オバマの記述は、政敵の武器に利用される。大統領を目指さなければ問題のないものである。伊勢平次郎 ルイジアナ

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ノーベル科学賞は日本人に

「日本人二人と日系米人にノーベル科学賞」

masukawa, kobayashi,
増川、小林、南部の3ノーベル科学賞受賞者です。日本の誇りです。10・7.08

日本人は科学技術で生きるのが正しいのです。それを政治経済が可能にするのです。伊勢

Two Japanese and American win physics Nobel

By Niklas Pollard
Reuters
Tuesday, October 7, 2008; 8:10 AM

STOCKHOLM (Reuters) - Two Japanese scientists and a Tokyo-born American shared the 2008 Nobel Prize for physics for discoveries in sub-atomic particles, the prize committee said on Tuesday.

The Nobel committee lauded Yoichiro Nambu, a Tokyo-born American citizen, and Makoto Kobayashi and Toshihide Maskawa of Japan for separate work that helped explain why the universe is made up mostly of matter and not anti-matter via processes known as broken symmetries.

They helped figure out the existence and behavior of the very tiniest particles known as quarks.

Nambu, a professor at the University of Chicago, was recognized for his discovery of the mechanism of spontaneous broken symmetry. It helps underlie the Standard Model of physics, which unites three of the four fundamental forces of nature: strong, weak and electromagnetic, leaving out gravity.


Nambu also influenced the development of quantum chromodynamics, a theory that describes some of the interactions between protons and neutrons, which make up atoms, and the quarks that make up the protons and neutrons.

Nambu shared half of the prestigious 10 million Swedish crown ($1.4 million) prize with Kobayashi of Japan's High Energy Accelerator Research Organization and Maskawa of Kyoto University.

Kobayashi and Maskawa proposed the six types of quarks -- up, down, strange, charm, bottom, and top. All were later discovered in high-energy particle physics experiments.

"The fact that our world does not behave perfectly symmetrically is due to deviations from symmetry at the microscopic level," the committee said. This broken symmetry allowed particles of matter to outnumber particles of anti-matter.

LUCKY UNIVERSE

This is lucky for all living things -- because if the universe were symmetrical, anti-matter would be constantly meeting matter and exploding in a burst of energy.

Kobayashi said the news came as a shock. "It is my great honor and I can't believe this," he said.

But Maskawa said he was not surprised.

"There is a pattern to how the Nobel prize is awarded. I did not think I would get the award up until last year, but I predicted it pretty much this year," he was quoted as saying by Kyodo news agency.

"I am very happy that Professor Yoichiro Nambu was awarded. I myself am not that happy. It's a noisy celebration for society."

Physicists are now searching for the spontaneous broken symmetry, the Higgs mechanism, which threw the universe into its current imbalance at the time of the Big Bang 13.7 billion years ago.

This Higgs mechanism gave the particles their masses and there should be a Higgs particle, theory predicts. Scientists at the world's most powerful particle accelerator, the Large Hadron Collider at the European Organization for Nuclear Research or CERN in Switzerland, will be looking for this particle when they re-start the collider in spring of 2009.

The prize, awarded by the Nobel Committee for Physics at the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences, was the second of this year's crop of Nobel prizes.

The prizes are handed out annually for achievements in science, peace, literature and economics. The prizes bearing the name of Alfred Nobel were first awarded in 1901 in accordance with the 1895 will of the Swedish dynamite millionaire.

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「ニューヨーク・タイムスは反日新聞社」

ニューヨーク・タイムスは、反日・反共和党。麻生太郎首相を「中韓といさかいをする国粋主義者であり、アジアにとって好ましくない」と書いた。ウチのが、「アメリカ人記者ではない」とさ。伊勢

The Return of Taro Aso
Published: September 24, 2008

Japan's new prime minister, Taro Aso, is well known — and not fondly remembered — by Japan's neighbors as a pugnacious nationalist. As foreign minister from 2005 to 2007, Mr. Aso soured relations with China and South Korea and raised tensions throughout the region, praising the achievements of prewar Japanese colonialism, justifying wartime atrocities and portraying China as a dangerous military threat.

Now, the power brokers in the long-governing Liberal Democratic Party have made him Japan's fourth prime minister in just two years and rebranded Mr. Aso as a "pragmatist."

Mr. Aso is expected to focus on stimulating Japan's stagnant economy. To successfully lead a 21st-century Japan, he will also need to swap nationalism for pragmatism when it comes to foreign relations. Japan's future depends on cultivating stronger political and economic relations with China — its largest trading partner — South Korea and other rapidly advancing neighbors.

He has assured Washington that he will resist opposition efforts to shut down a Japanese naval refueling mission in the Indian Ocean — Japan's risk-free demonstration of support for American and allied military efforts in Afghanistan.

What the United States most needs from Japan is a responsible strategic partner, not a government whose imperial reveries and symbolic muscle-flexing will provoke angry reactions across Asia.

Nationalism is enjoying a disturbing political revival because many Japanese fear that their country, once Asia's clear economic leader, is losing ground to booming neighbors. The answer for that doesn't lie in the nostalgic fantasies about Japan's ugly past for which Mr. Aso has become well known.

Instead, Japan needs to modernize its economy by completing the market reforms begun by Junichiro Koizumi, the former prime minister. And it needs to modernize its foreign policy by treating its neighbors as equals. If Mr. Aso can be pragmatic enough to adopt that agenda, he is likely to be a successful prime minister.

PUGNACIOUSとは「喧嘩好き」という意味です。この記事を書いた記者(大西?)の氏名が記載されていない。こんな卑怯な新聞は読まれない。ウチのが「NY・TIMESはガタガタ」だとさ。は、は、は 伊勢

「児玉外務省報道官の反論」

I disagree with your Sept. 25 editorial "The Return of Taro Aso," about Japan's new prime minister.

Mr. Aso, as Japanese foreign minister from 2005 to 2007, greatly contributed to enhancing relations with China and South Korea in cooperation with his counterparts.

Regarding China, Mr. Aso devised and advanced the establishment of a mutually beneficial relationship based on common strategic interests that led to subsequent significant improvement of Japan-China relations. Li Zhaoxing, the former Chinese foreign minister, thanked Mr. Aso in Tokyo last month for his endeavors in achieving this.

Concerning South Korea, Mr. Aso strove to build a constructive, future-oriented relationship. In September, when he called on Secretary General Ban Ki-moon after his United Nations speech, Mr. Ban thanked Mr. Aso, recalling that their efforts and friendship as foreign ministers had been quite instrumental in resolving problems and improving bilateral relations.

As Japanese foreign minister, Mr. Aso strengthened Japan's equal partnerships with China and South Korea. Returning to the diplomatic forefront as prime minister, Mr. Aso articulated his pragmatic approach in his United Nations speech, with his core message of peace and happiness through economic prosperity and democracy.

Kazuo Kodama
Press Secretary
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Tokyo, Oct. 1, 2008

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プロフィール

伊勢平次郎

Author:伊勢平次郎
Author: Nobuyoshi Ozaki

A long forty six years have passed since I stepped on to American soil. I have had various odd jobs in the past until I recently retired. Examples include working with Steven Spielberg as assistant director in a film called "1941." I was supervisor and later became Public Relation representative for Toyota Group - USA. My last occupation was a Senior Research analyst working in Silicone Valley for a major news paper from Tokyo, Japan. My spouse, Christine is a flight attendant, traveling often to the Middle East and Africa. We have spent three quarters of our life together as world adventurers. This photo was taken in Argentina. We now live in swampy Louisiana.

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